BILL ANALYSIS AB 19 Page 1 ASSEMBLY THIRD READING AB 19 (Leno) As Amended May 12, 2005 Majority vote JUDICIARY 6-3 APPROPRIATIONS (vote not available) ----------------------------------------------------------------- |Ayes:|Jones, Evans, Laird, | | | | |Levine, Lieber, Montanez | | | | | | | | |-----+--------------------------+-----+--------------------------| |Nays:|Harman, Haynes, Leslie | | | | | | | | ----------------------------------------------------------------- SUMMARY : Seeks to end the state's denial of marriage licenses to same-sex couples in California. Specifically, this bill : 1)Eliminates the current "different-gender" requirement in the state's definition of marriage. 2)Clarifies gender-specific terms in the state's family laws shall be construed to be gender-neutral, except in regards to Family Code Section 308.5, concerning recognition of marriages contracted in other jurisdictions (Proposition 22 of 2000). 3)Adds Section 403 to the Family Code to declare that no religious official shall be required to perform or solemnize any marriage in violation of his or her religious conviction. 4)Includes findings that Family Code Sections 300 and 308.5 have been declared unconstitutional in coordinated state-court proceedings and that the bill does not amend Family Code Section 308.5 to the extent that Section 308.5 addresses only marriages from other jurisdictions. 5)Acknowledges the authority of the California Supreme Court to make a final judicial determination regarding Section 308.5's meaning, and validity or invalidity. EXISTING LAW : 1)Provides that "Marriage is a personal relation arising out of AB 19 Page 2 a civil contract between a man and a woman, to which the consent of the parties capable of making that contract is necessary." (Family Code Section 300. All further references are to this code unless otherwise noted.) 2)Provides that "A marriage contracted outside this state that would be valid by the laws of the jurisdiction in which the marriage was contracted is valid in this state." (Family Code Section 308.) 3)Provides, immediately following section 308 that "Only marriage between a man and a woman is valid or recognized in California." (Family Code Section 308.5.) 4)Provides, in the state's Equal Protection Clause, in Article I, Section 7, that: (a) "A person may not be deprived of life, liberty, or property without due process of law or denied equal protection of the laws. . . " and (b) "A citizen or class of citizens may not be granted privileges or immunities not granted on the same terms to all citizens." FISCAL EFFECT : According to the Assembly Appropriations analysis, the cost estimates assume that about one-half of the estimated 100,000 same-sex couples in California will marry in the first three years after the effective date of this Act. (The 2000 Census identified 92,138 same-sex couples living in California. The Census also found that 92% of heterosexual couples living together in 2000 were married.) As of May 1, 2005, there were about 27,300 registered domestic partnerships in the state. (It is assumed that the vast majority of these are same-sex couples.) Therefore, it is assumed that bestowing the rights of marriage to same sex couples will result in 50,000 marriages after three years, an amount exceeding the estimated number of domestic partnerships by that time by about 20,000. 1)Income Taxes: According to a Franchise Tax Board estimate for similar legislation in 2004, there would be an annual income tax-related revenue loss of about $1 million for every 4,900 same sex couples whose filing status would change to married. This is the estimated net effect of these couples being required to file tax returns as married filing joint or as AB 19 Page 3 married filing separate. It is therefore assumed that the total revenue loss will increase incrementally to about $10 million after three years, with minor annual increases thereafter as additional marriages take place. 2)Means-Tested Public Benefits: The largest potential impacts are in the Medi-Cal and SSI/SSP, programs. With same-sex marriage, the income of benefit recipients' same-sex spouses would be included in calculating program eligibility. In general, this will reduce caseloads and program costs. However, eligibility for these programs is determined by federal laws and regulations. The federal Defense of Marriage Act limits the definition of a spouse to a husband or wife of the opposite sex, thus absent a change in federal law or a waiver of federal regulations for Medi-Cal and SSI/SSP, it is questionable whether the state could implement this bill with respect to these programs. Moreover, even though enacted domestic partnership legislation (AB 205, Goldberg) intends that registered partners' household income be included in determining eligibility for means-tested programs, the Department of Health Services has not yet sought approval from the federal government to implement those provisions. The estimates below illustrate potential savings if federal law were to change or eligibility waivers were obtained: a) Medi-Cal: Estimated annual GF savings of around $5 million by the third year. Estimate assumes 3,400 households receiving an average of $250 per month in Medi-Cal benefits would lose eligibility; and, b) SSI/SSP: Estimated annual GF savings of around $8.6 million by the third year. Estimate assumes 2,400 households receiving an average of $600 per month in benefits would lose eligibility following marriage. 3)Economic Impacts: There will be increased economic activity related to the outlays associated with thousands of wedding ceremonies that would occur upon enactment of this bill. This would include weddings involving California residents and same-sex couples from other states that may wish to marry. To the extent this represents spending that would otherwise not occur, there would be an increase in tax revenues. This increase cannot be quantified. It should be noted that much of the expenditures related to weddings are for services and AB 19 Page 4 thus are not subject to state sale taxes. COMMENTS : This legislation seeks to halt the state's practice of denying same-sex couples the right to marry by defining marriage as between "two persons" instead of solely between a man and a woman. The bill thus raises important questions of law and public policy that are now being discussed across the nation and around the world, reflecting one of this nation's most significant civil rights issues for the 21st century. The issue of legal recognition of same-sex couples in California dates back two decades. Before the 1980s, same-sex couples had no legal recognition in California - or virtually anywhere else. As families, same-sex couples were essentially invisible to the law. In 1984, however, the City of Berkeley extended employee benefits to the same-sex partners of municipal employees, and in 1985 West Hollywood became the first governmental entity to offer legal recognition to same-sex couples among the general public by establishing a legal status called "domestic partnership." By 2000, 18 California local governments had established domestic partnership registries. California took notice of this emerging movement. In 1999, the Legislature enacted AB 26 (Migden) to create the state's first domestic partnership statute. This statute, which forms the backbone of California's domestic partnership law, provided for domestic partnerships to be registered with the Secretary of State, for public employers to offer health benefits to domestic partners, and for domestic partners to have hospital visitation rights. The most comprehensive set of rights and responsibilities for registered domestic partners was enacted in 2003 by AB 205 (Goldberg). That bill became fully operative this past January 1, 2005, and it has been upheld by the courts against challengers' arguments that granting legal protections to same-sex couples is inconsistent with Proposition 22. Even so, the domestic partner laws fall short in that they preclude joint filing of income taxes, fail to treat earned income as community property for state income tax purposes, and deny access to certain long-term care benefits. In addition, domestic partners are denied the protections available under more than 1,100 federal statutes relating to marriage. The federal benefits afforded to opposite-sex, married couples AB 19 Page 5 include such basic benefits as social security, Medicare, federal housing assistance, food stamps, veterans' benefits, military benefits, tax benefits and federal employment benefits. In 1996 Congress passed, and President Clinton signed, the federal Defense of Marriage Act (DOMA), which among other things says that no state is required under federal law to give effect to same-sex marriages contracted in other states. In light of the federal DOMA, other states have also enacted measures prohibiting recognition of marriages entered into by same-sex couples in other jurisdictions. Some states have gone so far as to enact into their constitutions provisions that purport to prohibit recognition of relationships between same-sex couples other than marriage, such as domestic partnerships or civil unions. In 2000, a group of citizens led by the late state senator Pete Knight placed Proposition 22 on the March 2000 ballot to prohibit California from recognizing any same-sex marriages contracted in other states or countries. The measure passed with 61% of the vote and became codified as Family Code Section 308.5. However, a superior court judge has recently entered a judgment declaring Proposition 22 invalid under the state Constitution. The Massachusetts Supreme Judicial Court in November 2003 and February 2004 ruled the Massachusetts definition of marriage violated that state's constitutional equal protection provisions. In response to this advisory opinion, the state legalized same-sex marriage and began issuing marriage licenses to same-sex couples on May 17, 2004. In February 2004, the City and County of San Francisco began issuing marriage licenses to same-sex couples. On August 12, 2004, the California Supreme Court unanimously ruled that San Francisco officials exceeded their authority in issuing the licenses because it is the role of the courts, not local officials, to determine the constitutionality of the state's marriage laws. By a 5-2 vote, the court also invalidated the 4,037 marriages that had taken place in San Francisco. The court did not rule on the constitutionality of the state's statutory prohibition of marriage by same-sex couples. Rather, an order filed by the Court in March 2004 expressly invited the AB 19 Page 6 filing of a lawsuit in superior court to address this very issue. Then, just this past March 14, 2005, the San Francisco Superior Court concluded that same-sex couples are denied equal protection by marriage laws that prohibit them from marrying. The trial court held that California's exclusion of same-sex couples from marriage constitutes discrimination on the basis of gender and interferes with the fundamental right to marry the person of one's choosing. A major legal question presented by this legislation is whether it conflicts with Proposition 22. The answer to this question depends upon how broadly the proposition is read. Under a more narrow reading, Proposition 22 applies only to marriages contracted out of state-that is, it simply prevents California from recognizing marriages between same-sex couples entered into outside California. Under a more broad reading, Proposition 22 prohibits marriages between same-sex couples whether performed inside or outside of the state. Regardless of Proposition 22's reach, Family Code Sections 300 and 308.5 raise critical constitutional questions. Indeed, the superior court in San Francisco in the coordinated marriage cases has recently declared both statutes unconstitutional. Three points were important to the court's constitutional analysis. First, the history of California's definition of marriage clearly shows an explicit intent to discriminate against lesbians and gay men and to exclude same-sex couples from marriage. Second, there are two landmark rulings from the California Supreme Court that bear directly on the question of the constitutionality of a definition that excludes same-sex couples, and suggest that California's current statute banning same-sex marriage may likely be struck down if the issue is heard by the State Supreme Court. And third, there is an undeniably strong trend in rulings from other state supreme courts, and from the U.S. Supreme Court itself, suggesting that the statute likely could not, and ultimately will not, withstand constitutional scrutiny. The California Constitution contains two independent equal protection provisions. For nearly three decades, the California courts have held that the equal protection clause protects gay and lesbian persons. In the landmark decision of Gay Law Students v. Pacific Telephone and Telegraph (1977), the California Supreme Court expressly held that subdivision (a) of AB 19 Page 7 Article I, section 7 guarantees lesbians and gay men, as a class, equal protection. In 1948, California's Supreme Court was the first in the nation to hold that a law prohibiting persons from marrying outside their race violated the constitution. Perez v. Lippold (1948) preceded the U.S. Supreme Court's decision in Loving v. Virginia (1967) on the same question by nearly 20 years. Given the fundamental nature of the right to marry, the Court held that any infringement of that right "must be based upon more than prejudice and must be free from oppressive discrimination to comply with the constitutional requirements of due process and equal protection of the laws." More, importantly the Court held that while the state has authority to prohibit marriage between specific individuals when there is a legitimate state concern, such legislation would have to be specific to the individuals in question, and could not use "arbitrary classifications of groups or races" as a substitute. (Emphasis added.) Three state supreme courts have addressed the question of whether a state law that defines marriage so as to exclude same sex partners violates their respective state constitutions. Importantly, in each case, the court has ruled in favor of the same-sex couples. The most recent and most relevant decisions are those from the Massachusetts Supreme Judicial Court. The Supreme Judicial Court of Massachusetts ruled in 2003 that laws prohibiting same-sex marriage violate the Massachusetts Constitution. Three months later, in February 2004, the Supreme Judicial Court issued an advisory opinion to the state legislature in Massachusetts and stated: "The history of our nation has demonstrated that separate is seldom, if ever, equal." Finally, two cases from the U.S. Supreme Court decided by 6-3 majorities, have recently addressed issues relevant to the pending bill. In Romer v. Evans (1996) the Court overturned Colorado's Amendment 2, which would have amended the Colorado Constitution to exclude lesbians and gay men from obtaining legal protection. More recently, in Lawrence v. Texas (2003), the U.S. Supreme Court struck down a state homosexual sodomy law on the ground that the "liberty" protected by the Fourteenth Amendment includes private, consensual adult sexual relations. The Court did not need to decide whether gay men and lesbians have a constitutional right to marry, and the Court expressly AB 19 Page 8 left that question open. So far, no state high court has found adequate justification under state law for treating homosexual couples differently than heterosexual couples in defining marriage, even under a constitutionally lenient "rational basis" test. This appears to be where California's courts ultimately may arrive, as the trial court opinion in the coordinated marriage cases demonstrates. Many groups and individuals wrote in support of this measure. Some supporters assert that although the enactment of recent domestic partnership legislation provides tangible benefits for couples, "it also sets up a separate and unequal system for gay and lesbian people. Moreover, domestic partnerships do nothing to assist bi-national couples, tax discrimination, federal employees and a multitude of scenarios faced by same-sex couples that extend beyond the borders of our state." Other supporters underscore the beneficial impact the status of marriage gives to the physical, mental, and economic well-being of individuals: "the benefits of marriage are many, reaching far beyond legal benefits to include physical, mental, and economic benefits." Still other supporters address the concern opponents raise about children writing: "Some feel awkward explaining to their children the concept of two men or two women marrying. Our own congregations are examples of predominantly straight communities, which have grown to become fully accepting of gay and lesbian couples and their families. We have found that the children in our congregations, raised by accepting parents in inclusive communities, take the love and commitment between two people at face value." Many groups and individuals also wrote in opposition to this measure. These groups and individuals oppose the bill because, they believe, it violates the will and vote of the people and the California constitution. In addition, opponents write: "Federally funded programs, employee health plans, Medi-Cal benefits, and school curriculum would have to be altered at taxpayer expense reflecting the newly sanctioned 'marriages' and new definition of 'family.'" Other opponents maintain that "homosexuals want to destroy marriage as an institution - not benefit from it" and that marriage is a sacred institution with unique attributes to be realized and shared only by the union of a man and woman. Still others state their concerns for children AB 19 Page 9 and an overall slippery slope of moral degradation within our society in general by writing: "Adults should not put their sexual desires ahead of the needs of children. Studies show us that children need a mom and a dad. Society should not gamble with the lives of children by permitting gay marriage." Opponents claim that the homosexual union to be an "unnatural and dangerous" one, contrary to the union between a man and a woman and that if AB 19 passes, "the underlying principles of everything that built the greatest nation in history will vanish. By abandoning our culture's basic principles of morality, the bill will leave no moral rationale to prevent multiple marriages, communal families, or exploitation of the physically weak or the politically powerless." Analysis Prepared by : Drew Liebert / JUD. / (916) 319-2334 FN: 0010542